Thursday, March 20, 2014

THE CULTURE SPEAKS LOUDER AMONG THE ESAN PEOPLE


NAME: KELLY OGBEMUDIA UDEBHULU.

A CASE STUDY OF EXPERIENTIAL LEARNING. HOW ESAN PEOPLE`S CULTURE OF NIGERIA DOMINATES THEIR LIVING TRADITONALLY.
A Final Thesis Presented to
The Academic Department
Of the School of Social and Human Resources
In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements
For the Degree in Mass Communication.
ATLANTIC INTERNATIONAL UNIVERSITY
HONOLULU, HAWAII






Table of Contents:

  1. TOPIC: THE CULTURE SPEAKS LOUDER AMONG THE ESAN PEOPLE.
  2. ABSTRACT:
  3. THESIS:
  4. KEYWORDS:
  5. METHODOLOGY:
  6. Table 1: Sampling framework for the study
  7. 5) DISCRIPTION:
  8. i) BRIEF HISTORY OF ESAN PEOPLE.
  9. ii) LOCATION.
  10. iii) ESAN LOCAL GOVERNMENT AREAS IN EDO STATE.
  11. iv) PERSONALITIES.
  12. v) ESAN PEOPLE DIALECTS.
  13. vi) SOME DIALECTS & MEANING IN ENGLISH LANGUAGE.
  14. NOTABLE TRADITION OF ESAN PEOPLE:
  15. vii)  CULTURAL DANCES.
  16. PERSONAL EXPERIENCE:
  17. viii) CULTURAL ATTIRES:
  18. ix) NOTABLE FOODS AND AGRICULTURAL PRODUCES.
  19.  THEMES:
  20. A) DIFFERENT AGE GRADES: OMIJIOGBE, EGBONUGHELE, IGENE AND ODIOWELE (GERONTOCACY).
  21. B) WIDOWHOOD UNDER ESAN PEOPLE CULTURE.
  22. THE PRACTICE:
  23. C) DEATH OF A MARRIED ESAN WOMAN AND TRADITION.
  24. D) POLYGAMY:
  25.  FEAR OF THE ANCESTRAL god`s SPIRIT.
  26. BURIAL RITES AMONG ESAN PEOPLE.
  27.  THE USE OF MUSHROOM AMONG ESAN PEOPLE.
  28.  THE FIRST SON TAKES ALL IN ESAN CULTU
  29.  POLICY IMPLICATIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS:
  30.  BIBLIOGRAPHY:



ABSTRACT:  The annihilation of a culture (iconoclasm) is to destroy the root from which human society sprung. Equally, holding a culture that is suppressive is rescinding the oppressed. Culture is continuously being restructured and it is not expected to change overnight. The transformation must be in motion and it should be progressive. All efforts must be made to preserve the positive aspects in our culture but at the same time global changes must not be snubbed. It is accredited that not all international changes are perfect; but, notable changes are indispensable that do not destroy the fabric of the Esan culture, but are for the well-being and growth of the general Esan Land/People.

INTRODUCTION:

In life, the way we understand the nature of evil do enable and guarantee any effort put in place to fight evil in the society.  Esan people in their traditional ethics place some level of prominence to goodness of character. Echekwube (1999) said that if good progresses within the structure of culture, so does evil. Goodness of character comprises of features such as hospitality, justice, kindness and respect for elders whereas the elders ensure that they stay off anything that is capable of bringing disrespect; others are respect to legitimate authorities and modesty. Evils to the Esan people are iniquities like adultery, stealing, killing, telling lies, disrespect for elders, incest, and unkindness or doing harm in any form to another person. Whatsoever act done by man to another person with the purpose to hurt is termed evil. This is a common interpretation the World over.

 Nonetheless, a disagreement between customary behavior, taboo and morality, each with its own rule of conduct, is essential at this point.  There are some actions that are regarded as customary which are defendable on the basis that it is the tradition of the people to perform such action. Those actions are considered normal because they have been done from time immemorial and serve as reason for continuing to do them while some are referred to as forbidden. The justification of taboos is always in terms of the adverse penalties that would follow if they were done. If any forbidden act by taboo is executed, inevitably, adverse consequences are believed to follow.

It is not in doubt however, that Esan culture has the potentiality of being harnessed in order to develop a philosophy of harmony, unity, religious, economic and political balance. There exist numerous understandings of the concept of the soul anchored on the belief that a relationship exists between the living and the dead beings.  In all cultures, the human person is the basis of the cultural sensations.

Numerous experts have defined culture as an “intellection, which incorporates the entire way of life of a people. It is the behaviors and manners of a group conveying its adaptation to the physical location”.

Precisely, therefore, culture is the totality of man’s way of life. Okolo (1992), exposes that in the case of most Africans, whatever he or she does, conveys the power and consent of belief, separately from which it is considered anomalous and asocial, and indeed, in some cases, an abomination.

The Esan people believe that life is the supreme gift from God and it belongs to him alone. All fortitudes are aimed towards its maintenance, enhancement and preservation.

The sacredness of life is shown by the inflexible sanctions imposed against its eradication. To the Esan people, no one has the right to shed human blood except in war. Even in war, the soldier must undergo exceptional cleansing cremations without which he would face adverse consequences. It is believed that nobody can commit murder without being caught because the spirit of the victim is believed to haunt the murderer, hence, in the past when tribal disputes were rampant, if one was to kill an enemy, he would truncate the victim and drink the blood. By drinking the blood, he was believed to enter into an accord with the spirit.  When returned home from the battle field, the warrior or soldier would undergone a purging rite, according to which he had to stay outside, sleep on garbage dump and eat from coconut shell for seven days.

KEYWORDS: ESAN, ESAN PEOPLE, ESANLAND, NIGERIA, CULTURE, POLYGAMY, MONOGAMY, ANCESTORS, GERONTOCRACY.

METHODOLOGY:

In this survey, all data used and produced are from designated people of Esan`s families of Edo State, Nigeria. These people are situated in Edo State Central Senatorial District and have boundaries with Benin City-State capital- in the South, with River Niger in the West, with Agbor (Delta State) in the South-East, and with Etsako in the East and North. There are five (5) Local Government Areas in Esan land which form part of the Eighteen (18) Local Government Areas that make up the State. Esan land is on a highland bordered by slopes down to the lower River Niger geographically.

Esan Community living in Spain plus two (2) Local Government Areas from the five (5) Local Government Areas that make up Esan people in Edo State was randomly chosen in this work. Interviews were carried out through semi-designed questionnaires to prompt information from respondents. Each respondent was interviewed separately in order to have answers from each respondent independently and objectively. The interviews were centered on several issues ranging from nature, consequences and possible ways to modify some oppressive, derogatory and out-dated traditions that require such demanding actions. 


Table 1: Sampling framework for the study.
LGs & ESAN COMM. IN SPAIN SELECTED
WARDS SELECTED & ENUMERATION AREAS(EAs) SELECTED
NOs OF ESAN PERSONS INTERVIEWED
FINAL RESPONDENT AS PER EA
ESAN WEST, ESAN NORTH-EAST & ESAN NATIONAL CONGRESS SPAIN CHAPTER
3 & 4
3 & 4
3 & 4
5
5
5
20 X 2 = 40
20 X 2 = 40
20 X 2 = 40
TOTAL
9 & 12
15
120

Table 2.
VIEWS TOWARDS ESAN CULTURE. FOR/AGAINST.
Serial NOs:
ESAN WEST LG
ESAN NORTH-EAST LG
ESAN NATIONAL CONGRESS SPAIN CHAPTER
1) Do you believe that in Esan land, elders exercise a general control over the people?

2) How many see widowhood as a multi-faceted tragedy?

3) In Esan culture, it is customary and mandatory after the dead of a married woman for her corpse to be returned back to family?

4) Woman is often accused as the first suspect in the death of her husband among the Esan culture?

5) Is it correct that to an average Esan person, polygamy is a tradition that must be practiced?

6) Do you believe that there is this fearful "Elimin" which is a spirit of the ancestors that envelop every Esan person?

7) Is it true that the Esan people depend upon mushroom for solving mysteries?

8) Is it true that at the death of an Esan man, his oldest living son inherits his entire estate and hereditary titles, if any?

xxxxx





xxx


xxxx






xxxx





xxxx






xxxx






xxxx




xxxxx

xxxx





xxxxx


xxxx






xxxx





xxxxx






xxxxx






xxxx




xxxxx

xxxx





xxxx


xxxxx






xxxx





xxxx






xxxxx






xxxx




xxxxx
TOTAL. 8 QUESTIONS
33
36
35
Note:
xxxxx Where this affirmative opinion was expressed by majority of the respondents.
xxxx Where this affirmative opinion was expressed by some of the respondents.
xxx Where this opinion was expressed by very few of the respondents.














5) DESCRIPTION:

i) BRIEF HISTORY OF ESAN PEOPLE.

The word/name Esan has its origin traced to Benin dynasty and it is pronounced “aysan”. During the colonial era in Nigeria, the British pronounced it “Ishan” which now dominates the popular pronunciation.  This people are major ethnic group among the ethnicities that make up Edo State of Nigeria. Ekpoma, Uromi, Irrua, Urohi, Ubiaja, Opoji, Ewatto, Egoro,Ebele, Igueben, et cetera, are some of the most populous inhabited areas among the 35 communities that make up Esan land. These Esan people are mostly Christians, Animists and few are Muslims because of their proximity to the northern part of the state (Agbede) whose inhabitants are mostly Muslims, (Omorodion, 1991).

ii) LOCATION.

Geologically, Esan land is on a highland, surrounded by slopes down to the lower River Niger. These Esan people are bordered to the South-East by Agbor, to the South by Benin City, to the East and North by Etsako and to the West by River Niger. From Ewu to Benin City, the State capital is 100kms long..

iii) ESAN LOCAL GOVERNMENT AREAS IN EDO STATE.

The sovereign clans/kingdoms in Esan land are presently governmentally organized as follows under the present five local government areas:
(1) Esan North East LGA, with Uromi as capital and comprises of Uromi and Uzea community.
(2) Esan Central LGA, with Irrua as capital and comprises of Irrua, Ugbegun, Okpoji, Idoa and Ewu community.
(3) Esan West LGA with Ekpoma as capital and comprises of Ekpoma, Urohi, Ukhun and Egoro community.
(4) Esan South East LGA with Ubiaja as capital and comprises of Ubiaja, Ewohimhin, Emulu, Ohordua and Ẹwatto, Okhuesan, Orowa, Ugboha, Oria, lllushi and Onogholo community.
(5) Igueben LGA, with Igueben as capital and comprises of Igueben, Ebele, Amaho, Ẹbhosa, Udo, Ekpon, Ujorgba, Ogwa, Ugun and Okalo community.

From the Total Consolidated Population, 1999EST; we have in Esan land, the following numbers of households and population.
Households: 14,668 + 14,111 + 16,160 + 15,583 + 8,290 = 68,812.
Population: 75,832 +78,264 + 88,687 + 81,728 + 47,611 = 372,122,000.
There are 35 clans or community each of which is controlled by a traditional ruler called"Onojie". 
1. Irrua 2. Ekpoma. 3. Uromi.  4. Ubiaja. 5. Egoro.  6. Ekpon.  7. Ewohimi.  8. Emu.  9. Ewatto.  10. Wossa.  11. Amahor.  12. Igueben.  13. Idoa.  14. Illushi.  15. Ifeku. 16. Iyenlen.  17. Ohordua.  18. Okhuesan.  19. Oria.  20. Onogholo.  21. Orowa.  22. Opoji.  23. Ogwa.  24. Okalo.  25. Ebelle.  26. Ewu. 27. Ogboha, 28. Uroh.  29. Uzea.  30. Udo. 31. Urohi. 32. Ujiogba.  33. Ugun.  34. Ugbegun.  35. Ukhun.

Fig 1 shows the traditional rulers and some personalities in Esan land. 

iv) PERSONALITIES.

There are dignitaries from Esan land that worth mentioning based on their individual or corporate impacts recorded in the making of Nigeria; the past and present political terrain of Nigeria, socio-economic and religious atmosphere of Esan land and Nigeria in general. It was late Chief Anthony Enahoro that raised the motion for the independence of Nigeria from the colonial rules, late Prof. Ambrose F. Alli, was Governor of the then Bendel State who built and encouraged development of human resources with his free education program and free health care at all government hospitals in the state, Also among the dignitaries are, Peter Enahoro, who wrote “ How To Be A Nigeria”; Chief Tony Anenih, the former minister of Works & Housing and a renowned politician; Late Augustus Aikhomu, (retired Real Admiral), former Vice President of Nigeria; Pastor Chris Oyakhilomen, General overseer of Love World Ministry-Christ Embassy; retired Air Vice Marshal, Anthony Okperie, former Transport and Aviation Minister; late popular musician, Sonny Okosun; Bishop Patrick Ekpu; Cardinal Anthony Okojie; Aba Aburimen, a renowned writer; former first lady of Nigeria, late Stella Obasanjo; Chief Tom Ikimi, former Minister of Foreign Affairs and renowned politician; former Lagos State Police Commissioner, Oyakhilomen; Vicent Airebamen, former assistant Commissioner of Lagos State; a young and dynamic leader, His Royal Highness (HRH), Aidenojie 1, Onojie(King) of Urohi Community.

v) ESAN PEOPLE DIALECTS.

These people language is of the Kwa subdivision of the Niger-Congo language lineage. Esan pronounced “aysan” is of Benin origin. It is vital to note that this language is spoken and pronounced according to the dialectic intonations of these people that make up Esan land.  Precisely, many speakers from this land pronounce words differently but slightly understand by other Esan speaking people. For example, like this word referring to “PERSON”; inhabitants of Uromi, pronounce it “Oria” and the inhabitants of Ugboha community pronounce it “Ohan”.  Also, Uzea people pronounce it “Ohia” while some othe Esan speaking people pronounce it “Oyia”. These visible differences make it fluent and popular the speaking of “Pidgin English Language” which is a mixture of English language, Portuguese and Nigeria`s indigenous languages.

vi) SOME DIALECTS & MEANING IN ENGLISH LANGUAGE.

Esan words and greetings vary from each other. Some are feminine, masculine and mixture of both masculine and feminine. 
BODIAYE                                                            how are you? 
OFURE/ ODIAMENME                                    it is well 
EGBE DAEN?                                                     Are you ok? 
BU WA KI LU                                                     What are you up to? 
OKHIN BUE                                                       Good bye 
OBO KHIAN                                                       Welcome      
EA YE                                                                   No 
EHE                                                                      Yes
 ME WA KHA                                                     I disagree 
MUDIA FO                                                          Hold on! 
KHAN MUN                                                        Go on! 
DO O TUA                                                           Sit down!
 KPA NO                                                              Get up! 
NO WEH                                                             Sleep

NOTABLE TRADITION OF ESAN PEOPLE:

vii)  CULTURAL DANCES.

Esan people are predominantly known for their rich culture; they are people honor in arts/music especially in their cultural dances ranging from Ikinabojie, Abayon, Ijeleghe, Ilo, Okpodu, Agbenojie, Uleke and the most famous acrobatic dance display known as "Igbabonelimhin".

PERSONAL EXPERIENCE: When I was young, the memory still fresh in me, it was from this “Igbabonelimhin” dance ceremonies; communities exchanged gifts, marriages, settled communal disputes and the rich Esan people contributed to the maintenance of route parts to neighboring villages, paid young man's pride price because he performed very well, young sons and daughters of Esan land grasped their values as best among tribes.

At “Igbabonelimhin” dance ceremonies, outsiders and visitors from other tribes visited Esan land especially as from the month of September through December, Esan People are reverend, Esan People meals are tested and eaten to satisfaction, the mode of dressing copied, the beautiful and eloquent language are learnt by other tribes, trades flourished, paving ways for settlers to resident in Esan land and contribute to the known inter-tribal marriages. Photo showing the arrival of the masquerades in fig 4 below;

Before the arrival of the “OKPODU” (comedian among the masquerades), the crowd would surged with energy and vivid animation and electrified participatory charm everywhere. There would be an infectious spirited aura of being present at a historical ceremony, gripped with raucous partisan feverishness as the “OKPODU” emerged. All at once, thousands of voices rang out with the thunderous echo: “HAYEEEEEEEEEEEEEEE!!!”

Then, “Asono” (normal charismatic dance steps with melodious songs) entertained the crowd. Proud children, both beautiful and handsome in outlook give out maximum honor to the “Isighele” (community head) and other dignitaries present. At the ceremonies and after the ceremonies, sorrows vanished, future life partners were chosen, misdemeanors were checked and hooliganisms minimized among youths.

viii) CULTURAL ATTIRES:

Gender feeling emerges in every aspects of Esan tradition; the recognizable dress code will not be dissimilar. The dress pattern for the men (Igene) is the traditional "Ubunuku", title holders (chiefs)-Okhaemon- dress in traditional "Ukponesan" with coral beads (ivie). To the females, they have their distinctive hair do "Eto-okuku" beautify with coral beads and dress often with "native wrapper clothes" round the waist.

ix) NOTABLE FOODS AND AGRICULTURAL PRODUCES.

Along the roads all through the entire Esan land, agricultural products such as orange, banana, mango, avocado pear, black pear, lime, walnut, pineapple and cashew are found. Palm trees and rubbers trees-a product important for the manufacturing of plastic products- are found everywhere in Esan land.  Also, yam, cassava, sweet potato, cassava, pepper, okra, cocoa, cocoyam and rice are other farm products.
To have a glance on comprehensive discussion of Esan culture is beyond the boundary of this work but attempt will be made to describe some practices that form part of Esan people culture under themes below:

6) THEMES:

A) DIFFERENT AGE GRADES: OMIJIOGBE, EGBONUGHELE, IGENE AND ODIOWELE (GERONTOCACY).

    In Esan land, the elders have a supreme control of all major decisions including the formation and administration of ethical norms in the area. The people highly believe in gerontocracy which is the form of rules by the elders or simply put, a form of social organization in which a group of old men or a council of elders exercise a form of governing mechanisms. In Esan culture, the belief on the general concept that age have a prominent role to knowledge and closeness to the values and norms of the land make the elders sit on a position where absolute authority is exercised upon the people that are blood relations who live together as one in a quarter (Ukuwa). One vital thing is that these relatives who form an immediate family, comprising of the man and his wife or wives, children,  junior brothers and sisters-not yet married- and any persons living within the sphere of the family either as servant or maid; are part of the extended family headed by the “Omijiogbe” otherwise called Head Chief.
According to Okojie, (1960: P.50), the importance position of the “Omijiogbe” (Head Chief), increases as the junior brothers’ families multiply. This was further revealed in the words of David O. Umuobarie, (1976: P.45 ), that the Head Chief serves as the spokesperson for the family and performs intermediary roles in the ancestral shrines. Every day administration of the people within this family circle falls in the shoulder of the “Omijiogbe”.

The “Omijiogbe” (Head Chief) holds absolute religious, political, judicial and social powers over any other member of the family. As mentioned above, he serves as intermediary between the ancestral shrines and members of the family who see him as their mediator though he works hand-in-hand with the chief priest who interprets, execute spiritual rites and administer messages from the ancestral gods in the land. Furthermore, according to Okojie, (1960), in his descriptive manner noted that the Head Chief (Omijiogbe) ensures that all members of his family are protected and ensures extreme security around members of the family during trial periods. He serves as the pivot where all affairs in the family revolve.

The “Omijiogbe” (Head Chief) exercises judicial power on his family members by ensuring that internal family feuds or conflicts are settled amicably  within the family as well as punishing any offender if found guilty. All members of his family have the obligatory roles to obey and honor any judicial decision from the Head Chief and he in turn holds obligatory responsibility to discharge judicial duty void of injustice, jealousy and envy for fear that the ancestral spirits might come to revenge against any such evil act by the “Omijiogbe” (Head Chief). In an extended phase, where conflicts exceed internal settlement or failed to have it settled within the family, it is sometimes refers to the highest eldest person in the village, called the “Odionwele (eldest among elders). The “Odiowele” will summon other elders in the village to listen and make judicial decisions towards achieving a lasting settlement among the persons involved.

Every family that have link under common ancestral blood relation or live for too long within the family circle formed the quarter, called the “Idumu”. It is the eldest among the elders in this quarter, “Idumu”, that is chosen to become the leader of such quarter. Also, it is the combination of many “Idumu” or quarters that form the village and the eldest among the elders in the village will assume the office of the “Odionwele”.   One vital thing here is that a stranger or eldest person who have alien ancestral history to the villagers cannot become the “Odionwele” even if he lives in the village for many years, precisely, any of such settlers must live long to lost alien identities in the village before such eldest man can become “Odionwele” in case the incumbent “Odionwele” pass away to the World beyond.

The post of the “Odionwele” is regarded as an administrative office where all affairs in the village pass and deliberated upon. He stands as the mediator along with the village chief priest,  between the villagers and the ancestors who once lived and died in the village. He presides over issues in the village with his co elders in the community. In the administration of the village politically, the “Odionwele” along with other three (3) “Edion” (elders) within the village form the “Edionene” (Exco Members). Just as we have in every democracy today, the “Odionwele” has a messenger called the “Ukoedion”, who disseminates information and summons other “Edions” (Elders) to meeting under the instruction of the “Odionwele” which does holds at the village square called “Okoughele”. One vital issue in chosen the village messenger (Okoedion) is that the “Odionwele” holds the right to choose any person who is outspoken and  intelligent enough to avoid complications in the discharge of his duties.
In the words of Olumense, (1997: P.45-49), issues affecting the villagers are normally discussed in the village square by the elders  who forms the council of elders and are often identify with the walking stick called “Ukpo”, that is used as walking stick from home to the “Okoughele” (village square). Such “Ukpo” constitute a statue to identify the number of “Odionwele” that have lived and died in the village.

 In the detailed explanation by Akhigbe, (2009, oral interview), the “Odionwele” exercises some religious duties because he remains the custodian of the ancestral shrine, though, the chief priest of the village and the “Odionwele” work together but at two different angles. The “Odionwele” serves as the custodian of the village land which he holds in trust for the villagers, yet unborn and the dead. He reserves the right to give approval to any plot of land that is to be given to a stranger within his territory.

Before the new yam festival annually or at any religious ceremony in the village, the “Odionwele” leads the prayers to the ancestors on behalf of the village people which is normally accompany by the village chief priest plus other elders in the community.
             A little down the ladder in the gerontocracy under Esan people culture after the “Edion” (elders) is the “Igene” age group. When issues or duties meant to be executed by the lower grade are enormous, this “Igene” age group is called in to assist. This is the age group in the village or community that normally go to war, hence often refer to as the military might of every village for its roles of defense and administering of tense decision passed by the “Edion”.  Okojie, (1960), stated that when serious incidents like fire outbreak, burglary, theft and invaders happen in the village, they are always called in for rescue. Its members lead such major works as house building or roofing and are really the dare – devils of the village.
         The eldest person among the “Igene” group serves as the leader of the group and exercises control over all members of the group. He holds the power to execute discipline upon any erring members of this group. For instance, any member who fails to carry out the work assigned to him like the clearing of stream paths, market square, et cetera, will be fined “Oko” (fine) which he is obliged to redeem by tradition.

 After the “Igene” age group below the ladder is the street sweepers called the “Egbonughele”. They serve as the last age grade that have major roles in the day to day affairs in the village and their major duties are sweeping of the street, clearing of market square, farm roads and road or foot paths to the village streams. One noticeable work of the “Egbonughele” according to Akhigbe, (2009, oral interview), is the sweeping of the village square called “Ughele” or “Okoughele” where elders (council of elders) meet and deliberate issues affecting the village positively or contrary, and such sweeping is carried out at every four (4) days.

 They are duty bound for the major village labors though have the right to call on the “Igene” age group for assistance under a plea via the “Edion” (elders), who in turn ask the “Igene” to render helping hands to the “Egbonughele” age group. The eldest among this group takes the leadership role and reserve the right to give order, represents the age group and gives out discipline on any member of the group who misbehaves or whose action might bring disgrace to the group and community at large. The leader makes sure that all members within the age grade obey the rules and regulations. Offences like failure to respect elders, failure to sweep or clear paths to the stream or farm assigned to him, stealing, fighting in public places, et cetera, attract disciplinary measures which are normally in form of fine or seizing his property in anticipation for payment of fine by the offender.

Money or things so acquired is divided among members of this  grade in the order of seniority, (Oral Interview: Akhigbe, 2009). The leader of the “Egbonughele” is expected to take the largest share of any money or anything collected at a time followed by the next three people in age known as “Egbonughele-nene” (Leading four in line of seniority).

 The expansion of Esan communities from villages into chiefdoms under “Enojie” (King) did not negate the rule of the elders. The “Odionwele” continues to exercise his right to rule at the village level by virtue of him being the oldest member of the community. In the same way other male members of the community are potential successors to the stool of the “Odionwele”. Fig 5 shows an Enojie below.

The belief of the people about their elders being closer to the ancestors greatly aids the principles of gerontocracy to the extent that despite modernization, it remains a pattern of governance at the village setting. The belief in the ancestors enhances the faith in the continuity of life after death and in the unbroken communication between the “living dead” and the living members of the family. As the living father provides for and protects his children, so the departed father is expected to continue with a greater spirit in the world beyond.
This means that in certainty; the survivors are never cut off from protection and guidance of their deceased relations who have trodden the path of life which the living now treads. Ancestors have their feet planted in both the world of the living and that of the spirits. They therefore know more than the living and are consequently accorded great respect for that… (Bolaji Idowu, 1973: p.179). Also, as the deceased possessed powers of omniscience, to influence, help or molest the living, the ancestors represent an order of intermediaries who relate prayers to God (Smith, 1950: p.10).
   Generally it must be said that unless the individual move from the village setting to the modern town, he will remains guided and lives within the set principles that are based on gerontocracy. The general belief in life after death reinforces the belief in the ancestors who were elders that once lived and died but lived on as spirits. Thus, gerontocracy is not just a system of government but a norm – a way of life of a people and their socio-cultural setting. Except contrary, gerontocracy will linger on as a form of village administration in Esan Land.

B) WIDOWHOOD UNDER ESAN PEOPLE CULTURE.

   Widowhood is a multi-faceted tragedy. It is devastatingly a woman’s problem which discloses terrible social bias. In the opinion of S Goldman, B Lord, (1983) mourning and widowhood are contrasting sides of the same coin with wide range of effects for those affected. B Gbenda, (1983), observed that widowhood is an issue that affects more women than men. Evidence, he noted, shows that over the long-term, women are affected more severely than men psychologically, sexually, socially and financially.  It links a woman into the group of the relegated and indistinguishable being. Under Esan culture, widowhood is used as vernacular for being vulnerable and cursed being. There are many widows among the adult female populace than in men population today which is compounded by the rampant cases of road accidents, jealousy/envy and competitions at working places and surprisingly, men are more among the casualties and women suffer. A photo of a weeping widow is shown in Fig 6 below;

Traditional practices deeply rooted in the customs constitute the greatest threat to the human rights of millions of widows and can be described as cruel and inhuman. Pitifully, Widows are subjected to humiliating and degrading burial rites and mourning practices in the name of custom. It is pathetic to note that the traditional custodian of cultural practices in widowhood is almost exclusively female who meticulously enforce these practices, thus, leaving the widow isolated, impoverished and damaged.

To these people, they view widowhood under the eyes of mythical interpretations. In their views, a widow is the first suspect when the husband dies and because of this, the widow is made to undergo rigorous, demoralizing and unhealthy rites with the belief that the widow will die if she was responsible for the death of her husband. Another jealously posture on this people`s views on widowhood is that of pride. The widow freedom and liberty to remarry to another man is viewed as direct insult to the deceased husband family pride and values just as the Esan people regard widowhood as taboo which should not be discussed openly for fear of evil happenings on the discussants which has a long way to reveals the dearth of literature on the interpretation of widowhood under Esan people culture.

   It is the widow who suffers for the death of a spouse, consequently, at the death of a husband, a widow is dethroned, defaced and disinherited, is dethroned because she loses the rank conferred on her by her husband by being made to sit on the bare earth, straw mat or palm leaves. The “defacement” comes in when the widow is expected to look unattractive, dirty, and unkempt with her hair shaved in some instances and denied of washing. The “disinheritance” comes in when the widow is disposed of all the property she had acquired with her husband and the worst scenario recorded especially when the widow is childless.

   A widower (husband) on the other hand does not suffer the same fate as the widow even though both had lost a partner. Contrarily, the widower (husband) on the other hand at this time is pitied because of loneliness caused by the loss of his partner, pampered as he will be softened over and pacified usually with different suggestions of taking a new wife. A child who lost his or her father at a tender age carries the trauma all through his or her life especially the execution of dis-inheritance policy. On inheritance, a wife cannot inherit, rather; she is part of the "objects" to be inherited.

THE PRACTICE:

   In the custom of Esan people, the practice is purely traditional with the belief of the existing connection between the dead and the living being. During the first seven (7) days of mourning (sanctified days), the sacred tree branch “Ikhimhin” which is a many sided plant is used to wade off evil spirit. The widow is denied sleep for reason that the husband might visit and take her away to the spirit world (dead place) if she sleeps! The widow takes her baths in the night at a burial ground or at some obscure or isolated spot; she shoots an arrow into the bush after bath to deter her dead husband from coming near to her again spiritually. During the three (3) months of her mourning period, a pot containing some leaves believed to wade off evil is left burning on the fire. The widow executes the cleansing rites after three months, which includes her hair being shaved and throughout these three months, she wears only the black mourning clothes.
   Within the Esan tradition, the widow is not allowed to partake in the burial of her husband. Rather she is asked to leave the late husband`s house throughout the period of the burial.
   It can be recalled that over the years, many activists, human rights icon, organizations and institutions have risen to the movement to have a modified practice in this part of the world. Of most notable was the 1998 (November) Communicating for Change`s 30 minutes documentary titled “Till Death Do Us Part” that was shown in major cities in southern part of Nigeria, which was aimed at targeting the tradition that humiliates, oppresses and dehumanizes widows. The film was first shown in France (Paris) during the 50th Anniversary of the Declaration of Human Rights` Celebration.

 In a manner to get the message clearer, seminars were held along with the film shows in Nigeria as part of an entire campaign to stop harmful widowhood practices. With backing from the Norwegian Human Rights Fund and the Ford Foundation, CFC systematized a national tour of the film in November 1999. “Till Death Do Us Part” was shown in Lagos, Port Harcourt and Enugu escorted by panel debates. Nevertheless, a national bus campaign was ensured that the coverage wasn’t restricted to just these three cities. Over 45,000 people from diverse backgrounds watched the film while travelling cross-country on Nigeria’s three major bus transporters – Chisco, Ekeson and ABC.  Passengers were given brochures as they bought their bus tickets.

Again, in recent years, concerned audience suggested that widows should seek protection from existing laws that connect to the brutal acts practiced upon them. Several organizations as the Women, Law and Development Centre, the Ministry of Women Affairs and Youth Development, and the Widows Development Organization rose to their responsibility to sensitize and orientate the custodians of this tradition, if not to eradicate it but at least to modify it into the modern day ways of life gradually.

   Another very important agency fighting the dehumanizing treatment melted on to the widow is the activities of Nollywood films (Nigerian Home Videos). This is the Nigerian brand of Hollywood. Through her films, she has been able to fight to some extent the negative or so to say cultural practice receives by the widow. This campaign is ongoing.

RE-MARRY ISSUE OF A WIDOW AND WIDOWER.

   The widow or widower re-marriage issue is a form of marriage by force resulted from the death of his or her wife or husband, especially when the widow or widower is still young. In Esan culture, it is necessary for a young lady or man who lost his or her partner by no fault of his or hers to re-marry. This is supported by the Holy Bible in the books of Exodus 22:22- 24; Deuteronomy 25:5-10. 1st Corinthians 7:9; 39, et cetera.

    It is noteworthy that the choice of a partner varies in the contemporary Esan society. Before now (though still practice conventionally), the choice of a partner for a widow is the prerogative of her deceased husband’s family. They decide who she is to marry among her late husband’s relations.  Esan people like some other cultures, regard women as the property of their husbands and hence after their death, a decision is reached as to who should marry them. In a monogamous home, a close relation of the deceased is given the authority to marry the Widow left behind but in a polygamous home, the Widow is made to marry the first son of the late husband. The choice made for the Widow is based on the consideration that the man is financially strong enough to be able to cater for the woman and her children. Compulsorily, the widow is traditionally obliged to re-marry the man chosen for her by the husband`s family.

    Furthermore, a Widower wishing to marry any young lady is allowed to negotiate with the parents of the lady concern. But if he wishes to marry a widow, he does the negotiation with her directly. The initial relationship of a Widow is not formally announced or make public. The widow is free to start any courtship after the mourning period of her husband. During the mourning period, it is forbidden for her to engage in form of courtship with another man but can receive private gifts of foodstuff, yam or money for a suitor wishing to engage her in future marriage.

   There is no formal bride-price tagged on this form of marriage. It is the prerogative of the widow to demand anything from the would-be husband or not, whereas, a Widower is mandatory for him to pay the bride-price for a new wife. He is also mandated to observe all necessary procedures associated with marriage system. He does not pay a fixed bride-price in case he wants to marry a Widow but what is paid in this regard is as prescribed by the Widow herself. A Widow who did not want  to marry the man chosen for her by her late husband’s family is traditionally bound to refund the bride-price paid on her to either the members of her late husband’s family or his eldest son. Once refunded, she is free to re-marry any man of her choice traditionally or under customary law.

   Another phase of this remarry arises when the young widow is married to a toddler who is unable to sleep with her. In that case, the widow is permitted to have a courtship with any man in the society. Where children are born by that woman through the man with whom she has courtship, the born children automatically become that of the toddler.

   Nowadays when the toddler grows to adulthood and refused to accept the children, certain traditional rites are carried out by the communities forbidden his fatherhood. The children are therefore supposed to remain either for her late husband or become those of the man the widow had courtship with.
 PURPOSE FOR RE-MARRY ACCORDING TO ESAN CULTURE.

   According to A.A. Olaye, (2007), he reveals that it is necessary for a Widow and Widower who is still young or relatively young to re-marry in order to have a continuity of inheritance within the family especially when a brother marries a late brother’s wife or when the first son marries his father’s young wife. Also, since the dead left behind responsibilities, it is vital that a partner is needed to assist or give financial supports so as to avoid the widow or widower becoming a social nuisance or prostitute within the immediate or extended community. Furthermore, the widow or widower will be accepted into the Society to prevent frustration, dejection, poverty and hypertension arising from lonely thoughts, and to re-gain love socially.

C) DEATH OF A MARRIED ESAN WOMAN AND TRADITION.

In Esan culture, it is customary and obligatory after the dead of a married woman for her corpse to be returned back to family. Typically, after the burial ceremonies at her husband's compound, the corpse is taken to her family compound for the proper burial. Alternatively, an Esan woman could be buried outside the family home based on a valid request to that effect; a consideration sought and obtained by the first male child. He may be accompanied by his age mates and backed by uncles of the deceased; it can be honored or declined. If accepted, they would usually be fined by her family but her family must be allowed to perform their rites before bidding her final fare well.  

   Tradition demands that the woman family thoroughly examined the woman before burial. The reasons for this are many but principally to examined whether the woman died violently or was battered by her husband.  If any evidence is detected that suggests the woman died violently, questions are usually asked and most times, answers can only be accepted after the payment of levies.

   Esan culture has in-built flexibilities as in every culture; it is dynamic and admits refinement just as the culture is dialectic as well.  It imposes duty on both parents and offspring; while parents owe a sacred duty to raise children to adulthood, it is the conforming obligation of adult children to stay alive to celebrate their parents and conduct them through the lonely path home.  It is understood that a child who cannot do honor to his parents is valueless; he enjoys limited regards among his mates and friends.

   Esan people value their children, male or female, this is why unlike some cultures; the bride price is very low. The payment of bride price is vital to the conclusion of marriage notable under Esan native law, which like any other customary law marriage in Nigeria; it is recognized under the Marriage Act. The impression being that Esan people do not sell their daughters in marriage, the requested amount for bride price is usually meagre; 24 naira (representing 24 cowries or British pounds used in the pre-colonial and colonial days). A huge sum is usually presented these days, from which the prominent members of the bride’s family would remove a small amount and refund the balance to the groom for his wife, their daughter`s up keeping. A calculated message to the groom that she is still considered a family daughter even though she is married, hence the tradition that at death, the corpse of Esan woman is returned to her family to be buried with her ancestors.

   John Mbiti lent weight to this when he revealed that to the African people, marriage is the focus of existence (Mbiti, 1969:133). In Esan culture, a man does not discuss the burial rites of his late wife; the only area where the husband is summoned is when evidence shown or surfaced that he did not send the smelly he-goat and a bundle of seven yam tubers just before the first male child birth. It is their entitlement to feast and celebrate the impending motherhood of an Esan maiden which is a deserving right of the youths in the maternal lineage. That is the only fine the man may pay to the youths.  It is strictly between the first male child and those younger than the deceased. Elders do not partake in all the talks about burials and do not plan the associated cultural ceremonies.
Fig 7 shows a beautiful Esan lad;



D) POLYGAMY:

   Polygamy is the idea of having a plurality of wives or the practice of having several wives at the same time by a man. To the Esan culture, it is traditional, cultural and religious. See image in Fig 8:


 To an average Esan person, polygamy is a tradition that must be practiced, that isn’t in their minds to do so, nor are they saying that monogamous marriages are not as good as polygamous ones. But believe that there are advantages in polygamy, and for those that want it or already have it, it should be something good, that they are happy with. Those that don’t want it, no pressure, it is a choice.
   To an average Esan person, he sees polygamy as a norm. To them, it is much easier for women to accept mentally as they grow up in and around that idea. Also, if a woman that is marrying a man knows in advance that she will have another woman at home after marrying her husband, then it makes it much easier for the woman to accept, because it’s almost as though she has entered a polygamous marriage. Unlike others against the practice that get married believing that she will has monogamy and then getting a huge shock after marriage when a second or third wife is brought into the matrimonial home as mate. Polygamy is widely practiced in Esan land. Moreover, many Esan men who do not have a second or more wives maintain other women outside their marriages. These relationships are often known to the wives at home and accepted as the tradition demands.

   The co-existence of these co-wives within and outside homes do bring forwards witch-hunting of one another among wives and subsequent display of jealousy, envy and hatred towards other children from the other co-wives. It is worthy to note that marriage is sacrosanct to many in Esan land.

   Traditional practices exist to check such envy and jealousy. These involve the taking of oaths before shrines and taking those suspected of witchcraft to a particular stream called ‘Amen Okha’. Such people are given water to drink at this stream while repeating certain incarnations in the belief that a person who is a witch or wizard will fall down. A person declared to be a witch or wizard becomes an outcast. A woman will be sent out of her marital home into the open ground situated at the center of the village and remain there under rain and sunshine as both families of orientation and procreation refuse to take her back. Sometimes, she may return to one or other family after a long exposure, or begin a new life of her own with help only from adult children, if she has any.

    The tradition forbids any form of adultery by the women or wives. There is the fearful "Elimhin" which is a spirit that comes after any wife or woman that commits adultery while under her husband.

   Should any married woman be found guilty of adultery? The “Elimhin” has a way of it finds out. The woman`s child may suddenly fall sick or any other form of calamity may befall the family. The elders therefore sensing something is wrong in the family for such attack as a sin committed, will summon the woman to confess her atrocities.

   Notably, under widowhood practice, the law in Esan land seems very gender sensitive and one-sided, the widower (husband) on the other hand at this time is pitied because of loneliness caused by the loss of his partner, pampered as he will be fussed over and pacified usually with different suggestions of taking a new wife whereas the widow is the first suspect in the death of her husband. For this reason, she is made to undergo rigorous, unhealthy and demoralizing rites with the belief that she would die if she was a party to the death.

   Inheritance is strictly by primogeniture where only the first son inherits the father’s property in the absence of a written will. He is expected, however, to use such property for the rearing and well-being of his younger brothers and sisters. In practice, this rarely happens because most sons turn such property to their personal use (Bradbury 1957; Okojie 1960 and 1989; Omorodion 1991).

E) FEAR OF THE ANCESTRAL god`s SPIRIT.

   This work is not intended to promote ancestral gods worship or to humiliate the ancestral gods either.  Among Esan people, altars are built for gods and ancestors. See Fig 9 below. Objects placed on the altars are symbolic of the god and contribute to the success of the worship.
Fig 9:
 

   The ancestral belief of the Esan people embraces the “Elimhin” (cult spirit) which connects to the dead Esan people otherwise refer to as “ancestors of the land”. There is the fearful "Elimhin" which is a spirit of the ancestors that envelop every Esan person into the traditional ethical canopy which places some level of importance on goodness of character. This goodness of character consists of features such as kindness, generosity, hospitality, justice, respect for elders while the elders ensure that they stay off anything that is capable of bringing disrespect; others are obedience to legitimate authorities and humility. Evils to the Esan people are vices like killing, stealing, adultery, and disrespect for elders, telling lies, incest, and cruelty or doing harm in any way to other people. To any evil doers in the land, this "Elimhin" brings hardship, suffering or even at worst, the death of the evil doer and sometimes extends to his or her generation yet unborn until open confession and pardon (traditional rites ) are exercised.

 Among the Esan people, the fear of the ancestral gods is the beginning of wisdom; marriage vows, oath taking services and adherent to land contract agreements are sometimes sealed with this ancestral gods oaths.

   Esan people are fun-loving people who have numerous festivities and ritualistic traditions. Their folktales and folklores serve as forms of learning and entertainment, like the celebrated ‘Igbabonẹlimhin”. They have noticeable traditional rulers who keep order and sanity in a multifaceted society where beauty and manners are knotted.        Despite the long-term effect of Christianity among Esan, the people are largely traditional in that a large number still practice traditional beliefs in the form of worship of ancestral spirits and other gods. A large percentage of Esan are Christians, mostly Catholic and recently of other denominations.
   Before the advent of Christianity in this society, small scale robberies were notice in its minimal degree, divorce, adultery, fornication, lie and broken hearts in marriage promises were low in statistics counting. Community Leaders, Village and Family Heads adhere to the genuine tenets of governance for fear of the ancestral god’s spirit.

Also, Esan people depend upon it for solving mysteries. People afflicted with diseases and misfortunes that are usually affiliated to punishments from the gods and ancestors seek divinations from priests, in order to know what sacrifices will appease the gods.

i) BURIAL RITES AMONG ESAN PEOPLE.

   The oldest surviving son of the deceased has the sole traditional right to announce, perform and lead the burial rite of the dead parent(s). He bears the burden to bury his late dead father and may be assisted by his siblings that are sometimes done by levying them in anticipation of sharing the estate property with them or allowing them to farm on the family land or remain in the family home.
    However, in rear cases where the deceased has no male child, the eldest daughter carry this responsibility but she must nominate male child, probably, hers, to lead certain traditional/family rites, most often, the husband plays vital roles.
Elders, who reached realistic ages before death, are typically buried faster, even before their death is publicized. But their oldest living sons must be present to cast the first handful of earth.
   Good health and efficient healing are essential aspects of life and are the most vital values in Esan people lives. Sickness or disease in the Esan people view is a dilution of life, a threat posed to life. Therefore, request for good health is the most common prayer point.  E. I. Lartey, (1985), in emphasizing the significance of health and healing, attributed the formation and growth of Independent Indigenous Pentecostal Churches in Africa to the failure of the Western Missionaries to integrate charismatic experience, especially in the area of healing, into their faith and practice. He argues that healing, exorcism, divination, diagnosis and the reinstatement to effective cure from illness or disturbed persons are the crucial functions of a priest. He adds: to the African, the most important function of a priest is the medical one, - the ability to diagnose correctly and to prescribe accurate remedies for various diseases. He further opines that the medical function is inseparable from his other priestly activities. The failure to accept this as a valid service of a religious person, he claims, is to seriously detract from a priest’s acceptability and recognition by a traditional African.

   The Esan people view of the etiology of disease is of multilateral dimensions.  Briefly, they are the natural/physical, mystical/preter-natural and supernatural causations. The causes of natural diseases depend on cause-and-effect theory. The cures can be subjected to laboratory tests/analyses in the modern time and the active principles discovered. The treatment is rational since no rituals are involved. 
   To an average Esan person, supernatural diseases are caused by witches, sorcerer and evil eyes of enemies while divinities and ancestors are responsible for mystical diseases. Mystical diseases come principally from a breakdown in devoted relationships consequent on the failure of a victim to perform his obligation to the ancestors and/or the breach of family moral code. Divinities are reasoned to cause disease if the victim breaks any of its taboos or in the wake of a failure to maintain cleansing before or during ritualistic events. The features of supernaturally and mystically caused diseases include incessant yawning and sneezing, emaciation, inability to respond to the whole latitude of proven efficacious solutions to illness or disease.
   The etiology of disease parenthetically determines the types of disease in Esan. Natural diseases are known as “Emianmhen” or “Ekhonmon” while mystical and supernatural diseases are called “Emianmhen elimhin”. Therefore, the mystical and supernatural diseases require divination to reveal the main causes. These types of disease require different therapeutic processes in Esan medicine. According to J. O. Mume, (1976), there are basically eight therapeutic methods and that Nigeria has the highest variety of therapies which have placed Nigerian medicine in a superior position to any other country’s traditional medicine. These methods include herbalism, massage, hydrotherapy, fasting, faith healing and others.

Herbalism.

   This is the treatment of sickness through the use of herbs. Herbs and other vegetable products form about 90% of treatment of ailments, hence the name Herbalist Therapy.   In some instances, parts of insects, animals, and others may be included. Herbalism is one of the primogenital forms of therapy. Its origin traced to the evolution of mankind. The Bible re-confirms the use of herbal cures. For instance, God said to Adam:

“From every tree in the garden you must eat to satisfaction” (Genesis 2:16) while Jeremiah Weeps for his People in Jeremiah 8:22…, for the brokenness of the daughter of my people I am broken; I mourn, dismay has taken hold of me…. Is there no balm in Gilead? Is there no physician there? Why then has not the health of the daughter of my people been restored?

   The Esan herbal medicines display some mystical powers. For instance, there are some that carries occultic power, some are antidotes which neutralize diseases that are supernaturally caused; some can telepathically direct to summon a missing person - a run-away from a distance. Some concoctions assist in the extraction of bullets or thorns from the body without any operations. In Esan tradition, there are some herbs used to divert bullets from their target; mere chewing of assigned leaf or chewing stick or tree bark can turn person to cutlass/sharp  object-proof (incapable to cause injury or wound). Thereby, make someone invulnerable to enemy’s attack. At times, the enemy cannot raise his hand to fight the user of such herb or Esan medicine.
   Several therapeutic systems that exist in Esan medicine have link with other cultural systems. Some of the therapeutic systems have been scientifically industrialized in other parts of the world and presented into orthodox medicine. The recent is the “Chinese acupuncture”; Nigeria, with its greatest number of therapeutic devices, is capable of developing her own medical structure. The difficulty with it is that the people of Nigeria have been so indoctrinated by the missionaries and the white mentality to the extent that the Nigerian government as well as the public tends to hate everything Nigerian.     

   The colonial government and missionaries painted the traditional medical practitioners as a sort of embodiment of evil. They are known as “unresponsive to ethics; they represent not only the absence of value, but also the reversal of values. They are the enemies of true values, and in this sense they are the absolute evil.”

    Concretely, the outlook of many Nigerians towards their cultural values and heritage has been very negative. The attitude of the government towards traditional medicine has been disheartening, backed by the conventional medical doctors who view traditional practitioners as rivals. However, since 1980 in line with the World Health Organization declaration that local materials and personnel should be utilized for the local health care delivery system of the people, the Nigerian government has changed her attitude. But a place of eminence has not yet been accorded to it. There are still some laws which do not give a free hand to the practitioners of ethno-medicines. With encouraging policies by the government, Esan herbal works will be recognized globally.

F) THE USE OF MUSHROOM AMONG ESAN PEOPLE.

   In Esan dialect, the mushroom is called “Utun”.  The people of Esan use mushroom for food. It is usually collected in the bush farm during the rainy season especially in the morning time. Typically, the women and younger children engage on this exercise. Such mushrooms are used as meat substitute, sold fresh in local markets, or dried for use during the dry seasons when meat becomes very scarce. The elderly women lead the younger ones and children in such collections (forays), recognizing the eatable mushrooms from toxic ones, from those that are appropriate for fresh sales or drying for conservation purposes.
Fig 10 shows an image of mushroom:
 

 There is definitely high variety of wild mushroom in Africa (Abate, 1998). But, evidence about wild edible mushroom is uncommon in many countries of the continent; Boa (2004) briefly revealed lack of reports in many African countries and availability of only few reports in others on the use of mushroom. He continued however that there are other good reports regarding wild eatable mushrooms in some countries of the continent such as Nigeria, Zimbabwe, South Africa, Cameroun, Morocco, Kenya and Congo Democratic Republic.  For instance, Yokabi, et al, (2004) stated that mushrooms play significant economic, social and ecological roles in most African countries. In most instances, mushrooms serve as meat substitutes (when meat becomes very scarce) by most Africans including Esan people of Nigeria as reported by Osagualekhor and Okhuoya (2005). To add more weight to these reports,  Wambua (2004) reported that there are about 42 numerous indigenous tribes in Kenya, each of which has different eating habits and mushroom dishes which are also prepared and served to foreign visitors.

   Esan people depend upon it for solving mysteries. People plagued with diseases and misfortunes that are usually linked to punishments from the gods and ancestors go to seek divinations from priests, in order to know what sacrifices will appease the gods. Many of the diviners/priests use mushrooms to wash and clean their faces so that they can see the future or the cause of the victim`s problem.  According to Osagualekhor and Okhuoya, (2005), the sclerotium Pleurotus tuberregium is the fungus used for this purpose. In the cultural dance practice, mushroom are used for certain rites which enable dancers to jump to higher height under dangerous positions and fall to the ground without signs of injuries especially when they are in a trance. Termites are a foremost problem among the local people in the rural areas because their wooden homes are usually infested and eaten up by termites and mushroom is used in addition to other herbs to prepare a powdered substance that is spread or sprinkled around the houses during the raining season in order to ward off the termites.

In the reports of Osagualekhor and Okhuoya (2005), the native people customarily combine mushrooms with different herbs to treat malaria fever, dysentery, whooping cough and energy-providing medicine for pregnant women and babies suffering from malnourishment. A combination of mushrooms and the plant in the tea family locally called “Alhanmonkhor” is used to treat ear infection in children. The preparations and administration of mushrooms based on traditional medicines and comparison of usage are good for science, because comprehensive scientific studies of mushroom uses and practices of the Esan people can lead to the discovery of new drugs and solution to many illnesses.

   Mostly, mushrooms have been treasured as sources of food nutrients and pharmacologically crucial compounds useful in medicine. Yet, not all the medicinal assets of mushrooms have been exploited. This testimonial is more pertinent to mushrooms that are native to Nigeria.  

   Meanwhile, there are flimsy data on the identity and medicinal properties of these wild mushrooms. Information on the ethnomedicinal uses of some mushrooms such as Ganoderma lucidum for treating arthritis; Lentinus squarullosus for mumps, heart diseases; Pleurotus tuber-regium used for headache, stomach pain, fever, cold, constipation; Termitomyces microcarpus for gonorrhea; G.resinaceum used for hyperglycemia, liver diseases (hepatoprotector); G. applanatumused as antioxidant and for diabetes and Calvatia cyathiformis for leucorrhea, barreness; neoplasia had been assembled through survey.

   The above information is predominantly obtained from traditional herbalists who in most instances will not disclose their preparation compositions. A lot of these mushrooms are obtained only in the wild. Scientific documents of the identities and medicinal possessions are still small. Initial studies on some species of Temitomyces, Lenzites and Lentinusspecies revealed that they retain considerable antimicrobial and antioxidant properties. Also, molecular characterization also reveals that they are not 100% homologous with existing arrangements under the same name in GenBank. It is therefore vital that well-structured studies on their identification, medicinal and ecological uses should be carried out which will make the full exploitation of the medicinal capacities of mushrooms found in Nigeria reasonable. 

 F) THE FIRST SON TAKES ALL IN ESAN CULTURE.

   In Esan land, norms, culture and tradition allow and declare that the eldest son, in the monogamous family setting, inherits every single property belonging to the late father though same culture/tradition also demands he must take care of  the upkeep of his brothers and sisters but this is not always the case resulting to bitter family conflicts and division. Many say it is unfair while conservatives say it is tradition that must be obeyed.


    I mentioned above under burial rite that the oldest surviving son of the deceased has the sole traditional right to perform and lead the burial rites of the dead parent(s). He bears the burden to bury his late dead father and may be assisted by his siblings who are sometimes done by levying them in anticipation of sharing the estate property with them or allowing them to farm on the family land or remain in the family home.

    Typically, at the death of an Esan man, his oldest living son inherits his entire estate and hereditary titles, if any. His wife or wives are included except his mother. Under polygamous setting, it is unfair to other children but tradition demands that they must obey the instructions from the eldest surviving son of their dead father; else, the ancestral spirit may strike any child who disobeys the eldest son traditionally. Notably, finding by this writer has shown that the feature of such inheritance is that of a “trustee”.

   The eldest son must provide for his siblings until they are able to stand on their own. He is indebted to allot part of the family land to any of his brothers who wish to use such for farming or building. His relatives are nonetheless to be of good behaviour to enjoy any of such assistances. Nothing prevents a sensible inheritor from sharing portions to his siblings, especially where their late father was a polygamist. There are also cases of non-written/oral wills which were performed when the dead parent(s) was/were alive and it is respected when proven facts emerged to the family under native law as gifts from the dead parent(s). It is toughly recommended that Esan inheritance law be followed properly in practical situations making the eldest son a trustee of his late fathers’ estate,  as such, he merely steps into his late father’s shoes. He also inherits his late mother’s landed properties, while his wife inherits her personal properties like wardrobe and cooking apparatuses.

Photo shown in Fig 11 below shows cases of abandoned child after the dead of his parent:

 

   In Esan culture, men are the receivers of inheritance; female children have no standing or rank in the family. As Okojie revealed, Esan idioms state that 'a woman never inherits the sword'; or, 'you do not have a daughter and name her the family keeper — she would marry and leave not only the family, but the village, a wasted asset'. It is assumed that once a woman marries, all her possessions go to her husband, thus draining the family's wealth.


   Under this culture, there is substantiation placed before a customary court that the deceased was subject to the customary law of his place of origin or where he lived and died, any application before the court by other children of the deceased without the support of the first male child of the deceased is never honored and is always in favor of the first male child. There are reasons for this. One of such reasons is that under the customary law of the Esan people, if a man dies intestate, the eldest male child turns a trustee of the estate of the deceased awaiting the time the final burial rites of the deceased are carried out by the first son.


   In the temporary, he looks and takes care of the estate for and on behalf of himself and the other children. Thus, and based on this custom, an application to the customary court to administer the estate of the deceased is a mere formality that will be granted as a matter of course, except where there are other justifying circumstances that may prevent the court from making such a grant; for instance, where the legitimacy of the first son is in dispute. Another reason is that after the final burial rites of the deceased are done, the elders of the extended family of the deceased share the properties of the deceased. Though, the first son occupies a prominent place in the affair. As a matter of right, he takes the house of the deceased (Christopher E Ukhun and Nathaniel A Inegbedion, AHRLJ Volume 5 No 1, 2005).


   In the tradition of Esan people, the burial of one's departed parents is a vital event in the lives of the living and of the dead in their spiritual dwellings. He who buries his departed parents is a significant person in the family and the public circle. Burial rites are among the parameters in which an Esan person may be treasured; it convenes respectability and responsibility on a person. The performance of burial rights and the inheritance of the deceased's properties are inter-linked. Generally, the performance of burial rites is a precondition for the inheritance of the deceased's estate.

7) POLICY IMPLICATIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS:

   Culture is continuously being reformed and it is not expected to change overnight. The change must be in motion and it should be progressive. All efforts must be made to preserve the positive aspects in our culture but at the same time global changes must not be snubbed. It is acknowledged that not all global changes are perfect, however, notable changes flourish that do not destroy the fabric of the Esan culture in particular and Nigeria in general, but are for the well-being and growth of the general people.

   One of the most demanding issues in Nigeria presently is the desire to forge unity among her diverse ethnic groups along cultural/religious lines and ensures stability and social order at all levels. It is often said that a peaceful coexistence among citizens begets a stable nation.

   Our understanding of what we see as evil or discriminatory will facilitate the efforts put in place to combat evil or discrimination in the society.  Our people in their traditional ethics place some level of importance on goodness of character. Goodness of character consist of virtues such as kindness, generosity, hospitality, justice, respect for elders while the elders ensure that they stay off anything that is capable of bringing disrespect; others are obedience to legitimate authorities and humility. Evils to the our people are vices like killing, stealing, adultery, and disrespect for elders, telling lies, incest, and cruelty or doing harm in any way to other people.

   But, a disagreement between customary conduct, taboo and morality, each with its own rule of conduct, is a requisite at this point.  There are some actions that are regarded as customary and these actions are acceptable on the basis that it is the custom of the people to perform such action because they have been done from time immemorial and must as a matter of tradition, continuity must be adhered to traditionally. Some actions are referred to as taboo and justification of taboos is always in terms of the adverse consequences that would follow if they were done. If any forbidden act termed taboo is performed, adverse consequences are believed to follow with certainty.  For example, that it is a taboo among our people, for a man to have  sexual intercourse on a farmland. No scientific explanation is given as to why actions forbidden by taboo are wrong except that the gods hate such things and anybody who gets involved in them would incur the wrath of the gods.

   Like in the case cited above, the reason given by the elders is that it affects fertility; the gods of fertility will be offended if sexual intercourse takes place on a farm land. Today, what place do we refer to as farm land? Can we call a garden park where we have fruits, oranges et cetera a farm land? In contemporary society, sexual intercourse take place in these farm lands now, is the taboo still in place or modernized?

   Culturally, the mechanisms used in combating adultery especially among our women is interesting and worth discussion. If any woman is caught in the act of adultery, the eldest woman (wife) in the family stead will be informed. She will in turn bring the information to the knowledge of the eldest man in the family that will give approval to carry out the necessary actions geared towards putting a stop to the ugly act. What are the necessary actions one may ask?  The woman, who commits the act (adultery), will be paraded half naked across the major streets in the village; after which she will provide a sizeable she-goat and a chicken to appease the gods. In contemporary times, the idea of getting the woman half naked and walk through the streets in the village in broad day light has been stopped. She will only be asked to make provision for a she- goat which the elders use to perform the cleansing rites.
   By implications according to Wiredu (1980); some cultures are totalitarian because they involve the manipulation of the individual's 'will' through the process of the individual's indoctrination.  Apart from this, the individual is left with no room to make rational choices with regard to the evidence at his/her disposal. Our culture acts as drafting elements of the individual's rational capacity. Precisely, the power of culture holds command against the individual's independent and rational choices. In continuation, Wiredu viewed African mode of thought and belief been anchored on the basis of the authority of their culture. P. Ikuenobe (1998) opposes that to justify belief by saying it has the authority of tradition is one of the practices delimiting traditional cultures from formal thinking.

   In most instances, most of our cultures or beliefs contradict, and are oppressive in nature. In the views of Wiredu, Appiah (1980); African tradition or culture stands in opposition to critical and rational inquiry, which are necessary preconditions for the attainment of 'justified beliefs'. Wiredu contends that the unwillingness to take questions about the reason behind an established practice or institution is a sure mark of totalitarian outlook.  He further echoes that there is, in Nigerian/African cultures, the principle of unquestioning obedience to superiors (elders).

   One must realized that the power of culture is not a matter of arbitrariness; it relies solely on elders who are titled the storehouses of practical knowledge and it is acknowledged, stems from the influence, age, life experience and integrity of the elders. Though there is a cultural synchronization of the feelings and ambitions of all individuals within our culture, such are guaranteed by what the elders say. As Ikuenobe (1998) rightly states;

“Elders in the community play an important role as repositories of moral principles and tradition, which have some rational pragmatic basis”.

   No one challenges one's culture in Esan land. To embark on this amount to direct confrontations with the elders and the consequences are very high. Who challenges the authority of elders is likely to be reproached, and the aftermaths are either physical or spiritual.  In Esan culture, no one wishes to be branded as insolent of elders. This is focused on the desire of every Esan person to live to adulthood and be respected as well when turn elderly.

Final Note:

   Esan culture according to my understanding symbolizes the good products of nature as the green trees and crops along the roads in Esan land encapsulate its history. The trees and crops for the seven words of the seven patriarchs, each green tree symbolizing a word of a patriarch: Love for others as for yourself, Unity for strength and power, Service to one another, Truth for reliance, Discipline for good nature, Understanding for tolerance, and Obedience for peace and progress. These were the unfaltering principles of existence that were imparted upon the people of Esan (of which I am one), that life as a gift is a connection, an extension, a bond, an unstated promise of looking out for one another. To live life to the fullest; you must be kind to one another for whatever affects the native of one world, affects the native of the other world. "Distance is immaterial,” … Udebhulu, Kelly O.(2014).

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